#header-inner img {margin: 0 auto !important; #header-inner {text-align: Center ;} Fiji Coupfourpointfive: 2012-03-18

Saturday, March 24, 2012

Tikoitoga a 'loose canon' lying for Bainimarama

Amadou Sanogo
 Fiji's land force commander Mosese Tikoitoga has been told to exile himself to the West African country of Mali and offer his services to the coup leader there.

The American-trained Captain Amadou Haya Sanogo ended 20 years of democratic rule on Thursday, claiming he deposed President Amadou Toumani Toure because of his incompetence in combating the Tuareg insurgency.

Mosese Tikoitoga
In a statement from the Council for a Democratic Fiji citing the ex-3FIR leader Roko Ului Mara, Tikoitoga is described as 'a loose canon and the Fiji military's latest weapon of intimidation aimed directly at the people of Fiji.'

Mara says the best option for his former military colleague at this point is to exile himself to Mali where he can offer advice to Captain Sanogo, on 'how to completely stuff up his country.'

Tikoitoga yesterday continued his week-long defence of the self-appointed military government of Frank Bainimarama saying some chiefs had caused the deaths of innocent soldiers and others to be sent to jail.

He singled out the Tui Cakau Ratu Naiqama Lalabalavu regarding the overtaking of the Vaturekuka military camp in Labasa in 2000 in what he said was an abuse of 'chiefly power.'

Friday, March 23, 2012

Bainimarama makes merry while Khaiyum steals Fijian land

Bainimarama at the opening of the Naitasiri Provincial Council meeting this week. pic Minfo

Great irony emerging from the Naitasiri Provincial Council meeting in Kalabu this week, with the loaded question 'Should chiefs get higher lease payments?' popping up.

The Bose Vanua of Naitasiri has asked Frank Bainimarama to restore the old system of distributing the lease money, where high ranked individuals get a bigger share.

Bainimarama says Naitasiri will have to ask every member of their landowning unit if they agree to give more money to the chiefs stressing the 'government' is unlikely to change its mind.

Ironically, Bainimarama is not calling the shots as he or some loyalists still believe, especially where Fijian land is concerned.

That privilege was lost to him when he appointed Aiyaz Khaiyum attorney general and later still when he allowed himself to be convinced by Khaiyum that land is fundamental to Fiji's economic success.

In doing so he gave Khaiyum carte blanche to create the Land Bank, which quickly established a new system of rules to abolish the Native Land Trust Board and allow 'the State' exclusive proprietorship as established by the case Kanakana and others v State.

Thursday, March 22, 2012

'Guiding Constitution' already drafted by Khaiyum's inner circle

Nazhat Shameem
The constitutional expert, Yash Ghai, is looking more and more like a pawn in Frank Bainimarama and Aiyaz Khaiyum's plan to save themselves from prosecution.

Shaista Shameem
Anthony Gates
Ghai will have to answer for himself for succumbing to the wily pleas of the corrupt duo to lead the drafting of their new Constitution.

But the real threat to any integrity to what is already an illegal act, continues to be those who lurk and hover behind the shadows and follow the bidding of Khaiyum.

They are of course Khaiyum's inner circle - sisters Nazhat and Shaista Shameem and Chief Justice Anthony Gates - the Tight Three who have aided and abetted the decimation of the rule of law in Fiji.

Coupfourpointfive has it on excellent authority the trio has already drafted a guiding Constitution and held a secret meeting on New Years Day at the Macau Hotel in Nadi to discuss the following:

Global protest against Fiji dictatorship launched

The democracy movement in Australia has organised a protest day to encourage people to show the world they are opposed to the self-appointed government of Frank Bainimarama.

FDFM are urging people to wear black on April 10 and to record the event by taking a photo or video and posting it on the internet.

Wednesday, March 21, 2012

Leaked road map report reeks of truth

Growing proof of the regime's exit strategy for Frank Bainimarama cloaked in a new Constitution and the 2014 election.

Some of the details in a paper titled Fiji's Road Map To Political Election 2014 (sent to Coupfourpointfive the day before the consultation process was announced more than two weeks ago on March 9) are too convincing to ignore.

Bainimarama has today confirmed as we touted in our March 14 story (Regime abolishes GCC but wants to cosy up to a chosen few) that chairpersons for the Provincial Councils will no longer be elected but appointed by the regime.

In the paper sent to us on March 8 which revealed that would happen, it was also detailed the GCC would be 'reorganized under a new format' and the strategy would be to 'break the chief stronghold and get trusted sub-chiefs to handle government projects.'

That, too, has happened with confirmation the Rewa Provincial Council will not hold elections this year and Bainimarama reiterating at the Naitisiri meeting today that the GCC was a colonial administration that had to go.

Ghai urges Fijians to 'test the PM'

Yash Ghai, the regime appointed chair of the new Constitution Commission.

In an interview with Coupfourpointfive, Yash Ghai admits there is no guarantee the regime will not interfere with the Constitution Commission he heads. Ghai dodges the coup exit question but insists a new Constitution is the only way out of the muck. 

C4.5: Why did you agree to oversee the drafting of the new Fiji constitution?

Ghai: These are my reasons. I think that Fiji desperately needs a new constitution to return to a stable, fair democratic system. There are many good provisions in the 1997 constitution, but also problems—in part because the joint parliamentary committee rejected some recommendations of the Reeves’ Commission, thus detracting from the coherence of the constitution.  Partly for this reason there has been considerable litigation on the formation and function of the cabinet.

I also believe that different groups and communities in Fiji need to resolve problems that have divided them and to overcome resentments and suspicions that have characterized Fiji for several years. A constitution making process, if transparent and participatory, can help to reconcile the people and to develop a consensus on the values of the constitution, representing a common vision of Fiji.

I consider that due to my comparative experience of constitution making and my knowledge of Fiji, I could play a constructive role in this process (as indeed I did in my own country, and in Papua New Guinea’s relationship with Bougainville).  A number of Fijians urged me to take up this assignment.  I responded to this even though it is at considerable personal inconvenience.  I am not looking for any personal gain, but to assist reconciliation in a country which I know well and where I have many friends, from all communities.

C4.5 Critics feel the aim is to protect those who carried out the 2006 coup.

Tuesday, March 20, 2012

More rash talk from Tikoitoga

Mosese Tikoitoga has stepped out for a THIRD time this week to plant regime information, his latest effort defending the decision to abrogate the Constitution and naively promising there will be no more coups.

In a third 'interview' with the state owned Fiji Broadcasting Corporation, the land force commander claims the illegal scrapping of the 1997 Constitution was part of the military cleanup campaign.

According to Tikoitoga the Constitution was removed the day the military took over the elected government of Laisenia Qarase in 2006.

Tikoitoga says 'this government has from the beginning brought policies which were against the 1997 constitution and statements that it was abrogated after the court ruling is irrelevant.'

Narsey: Constitutional traps and FLP/SDL relations

Some murmurs about the names of the last two people to join the Constitution Commission but no formal announcement yet. Odds are one will be a key regime supporter, well-known to us. On that note, we reiterate that the Constitution consultation process initiated by the regime to replace the Constitution it abrogated in 2009, cannot be supported. Any changes to the lawful 1997 Constitution should be followed under its own provisions by an elected Parliament. So while we endeavour to keep people in the debate, it is not recognition of the 2006 coup makers or their illegitimate process.

In line with our commitment to keep people informed, we republish here an article written in 2001 by Dr Wadan Narsey on the Constitution that still has relevance. We also re-print his article on rival political leaders Mahendra Chaudhry and Laisenia Qarase. Both of these articles have been published on Dr Narsey's new blog site at: http://narseyonfiji.wordpress.com/

Constitutional traps awaiting elections deal with them now (Fiji Times August 31, 2001)
This week, a frustrated nation votes yet again-spending long hours, in interminable lines, under hot sun and in miserable rain.  Taxpayers, parties, candidates and supporters spending millions of dollars.

Questions over regime recruitment plans for voter registration clerks

Ballot boxes in the 2006 election
Another step being taken by the illegal regime towards its 2014 election and questions are already being asked about the legalities.

The regime has started to recruit voter registration clerks for its 2014 election. Two days ago it ran a full page advertisement in the Fiji Sun under the name of Aiyaz Sayed Khaiyum, the illegal attorney- general and Minister for Justice and Anti-Corruption.

It expects to recruit up to 1050 individuals to be part of the Electronic Voter Registration Team with applicants being told to send their papers to the Acting Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Justice and Anti- Corruption.

But the SDL Party leader, Laisenia Qarase, says the recruitment of Voter Registration Clerks directly by the illegal attorney-general’s office is improper, and raises the question of independence of the election process from the beginning.

"The Voter Registration is an important first step in the election process," says Qarase. "This task, including the recruitment of Voter Registration Clerks, should be carried out by the Office of the Supervisor of Elections under the direct supervision of an independent Supervisor of Elections."

Qarase says the regime should re-establish an effective and independent Office of the Supervisor of Elections. 

Monday, March 19, 2012

Tikoitoga: next target Methodist Church

Clear intentions spelt out today by the regime of what it next wants to move on - the Methodist Church - or game playing by the regime to stir people?

Land force commander Mosese Tikoitoga has told FBC that politics will be taken out of the Methodist Church to ensure the church plays its actual role.

The military spokesperson says there are a number of institutions which are political in nature and the Methodist Church of Fiji is one of them.

According to FBC, Tikoitoga says with the abolishment of the Great Council of Chiefs, "they will now turn their focus on the Methodist church."

“The Fiji Military Forces has depoliticised a lot of institutions, it’s trying to depoliticise the Great Council of Chiefs and that led to the dismissal of GCC and now it’s now trying to depoliticise the Methodist Church of Fiji.”

Tikoitoga says the Methodist Church has been politically affiliated with previous governments which is not their role.

Details of death of CRW soldier Selesitino Kalounivale revealed

Dictator Frank Bainimarama’s violent paroxysm of revenge against innocent CRW soldier Selesitino Kalounivale following November 2000 mutiny at Delainabua barracks

Brigadier-General Mohammed Aziz stopped police interview when soldier confessed to killing CRW soldiers on dictator’s orders
Kalounivale’s post-mortem report went missing from Police and DPP files


Aziz (right) with Bainimarama and Aseri  Rokoura
On 26 July 2004 Fiji’s present dictator Commodore Frank Bainimarama, while fielding questions from the media regarding the bloody 2 November 2000 mutiny at the Delainabua barracks in Suva angrily retorted: “But somebody should ask why they came into the camp? Did they come in for a picnic or what? There is such a thing known as karma – that is you come in to kill someone and you get killed in the end that is your bad luck.”

He was referring to the Counter Revolutionary Warfare Unit soldiers who tried to kill him for betraying them after having ordered them to overthrow the Peoples Coalition Government of Mahendra Chaudhry. Bainimarama had cowardly escaped with his bodyguards by bolting through the cassava patch, and later took refuge at the naval base in Walu Bay, clearly shaken and frightened for his life.
Worst, he had arrived at the naval base emitting an odious wafting body smell – according to some of the naval officers who received him that day the dictator had defecated in his pants from sheer fright.

The dead soldiers who, according to the dictator met their Karmic fate were as follows: Jone Kamoe Davui, Iowane Wasaroma, Epineri Bainimoli and Selesitino Kalounivale.

But according to a “Briefing Paper – CRW Murder Investigation’ in my possession by a senior assistant police superintendent, the above CRW soldiers were beaten to death and murdered. He wrote: “On 2nd November during the Mutiny at the Fiji Military Force Headquarters in Nabua, the following CRW members were brought to the Army Camp from Central Police Station and Nabua Police Station by a group of soldiers. 
They were taken into the cell by members of 3FIR, where they were beaten to death and murdered. Our investigation was conducted into the deaths of the above whilst the mutiny investigations continue. The investigation has revealed that this was a case of Murder as the deceased were not all involved in the mutiny. They were all brought in by a group of soldiers from outside the camp.”

The Case of Murdered Selesitino Kalounivale
Kalounivale was definitely one of the innocent CRW soldiers who had played no part in the mutiny that day. While awarding his widow $24,000 under the Workers Compensation Act against the Fiji Military Forces in April 2006, the then Resident Magistrate Ajmal Gulab Khan (later a regime lackey Chief Magistrate after the dictator’s coup) outlined the following undisputed basic facts. Kalounivale died on 3rd of November 2000 from injuries received to his body.

Kalounivale was a member of the Fiji Military Forces. He belonged to the elite CRW Group with the Military. On 2nd November 2000 he was at home attending to his sick child while his wife was at work. Meanwhile at the camp some CRW soldiers were involved in a mutiny where they had taken over the camp. The army set up special operations as if it was a battle situation. The camp was taken over by CRW at about 3.30pm and retaken by the military around 6pm that day.

Kalounivale had his knapsack bag and was in civilian clothing. He was later picked up by soldiers in Tamavua area. His knapsack was searched and it contained a camouflaged army trousers, detonator, cord, knife and a water container. He was taken to the Army commander Bainimarama at the Naval Base. After some half hour the soldiers were instructed by the Commander to take the deceased to the Central Police Station. Kalounivale was handed over to CPS.

After 4pm that day Kalounivale was seen taken out of CPS along Pratt Street in an army van by 4-5 soldiers. He was on floor of the van and the bystanders (witness 1 and 2) could hear swearing, hitting with rifle butts and kicking at the back of the tray. Around midnight on 2/11/000 he was taken to the mortuary at CWM Hospital. 

Due to the curfew no one could go out that night. The next morning the applicant (Kalounivale’s widow) went and identified Kalounivale at the hospital. Post mortem was conducted on 8th November 2000. The cause of death was found to be “multiple blunt force injuries including head injuries with subdural haemorrhage”. 

Kalounivale’s body had a number of recent injuries.

The Doctor’s report states: “He sustained numerous blunt impacts, particularly to the head but also to the chest and abdomen. All compartments of the head – front and back to the scalp, forehead, eyes, cheeks, mouth has received multiple blows. These have resulted in bleeding around the brain. The pattern of injuries indicate that this man has been severely assaulted.”

The Royal Fiji Military Forces (RFMF), according to magistrate Khan denied that the army personnel had taken Kalounivale from the CPS. They last handed over Kalounivale to the CPS around 4pm on 2/11/00. The issues before Khan was (1) Was Kalounivale in employment, (2) Did he suffer personal injury by accident (3) Did it arise out of and in the course of the employment?

According to Khan, it was disputed if Kalounivale had gone to work that day. There was evidence of a phone call after which he left home. He was picked up by soldiers on the street and taken to the Commander. The FMF also gave evidence that soldiers were called to camp that day in an emergency due to the mutiny in camp. Khan ruled: “I find that the deceased [Kalounivale] had gone to work that day when picked up by fellow officers. He was an employee of RFMF and was called to work on that day.”

Did Kalounivale suffer personal injury by accident? Khan, after citing legal precedents, ruled: “In this case deceased [Kalounivale] was picked up and taken to his commander. Later to police station. He was seen taken from CPS by military men in a army van. There is evidence of assault by rifle butts and kicks. The military has denied taking the deceased away from CPS. I find it as a fact that the military personnel had taken him out of CPS in the back tray of their van. He was assaulted and sworn at whilst being taken away. There is credible evidence tendered by the applicants on the issue which I accept as true. The injury and assault was an “unlooked for mishap” and “not expected or designed” by the deceased. It was an accidental injury suffered by the deceased.”

Did it arise out of employment and in the course of the employment? Again, Khan ruled: “He was picked up from the road as he was a CRW soldier whose group had taken part in the mutiny. He was picked on commander’s instructions and later taken to CPS. It is obvious that the whole incident and injury arose out of his employment as a soldier of CRW Unit. The employment had contributed to it. There was no evidence that the deceased was personally a mutineer and the court cannot assume as such.”

Khan continued: “There is evidence that the deceased [Kalounivale] was at home that day attending to his sick child. He had taken him to the health centre for treatment. It was after being called to work that he left home. The Respondent [RFMF] says he was walking in the direction away from the camp when picked up by the army officers. However, I am satisfied on balance of probability that the deceased left home for work after being called. The respondent witness has also confirmed all military personnel were asked to report to their base due to the upheaval at the camp on 2nd November 2000. It was his work which took him away from home.”

Was it the course of employment? Khan stated: “The deceased [Kalounivale] was a soldier who accompanied fellow military men and was taken to their commander at the naval base. After some 30 minutes upon the commander’s instructions the military men took him to Central Police Station where he was celled. The military has denied doing anything further. The applicant’s [Kalounivale’s widow’s] witnesses have given evidence that military men took the deceased after 4pm from the CPS in an army van. There were four to five officers in uniform. They noticed the deceased was put on back tray where he lay on floor. They also heard swearing and saw hitting and kicking of the person on tray of the van. The medical report confirms injury to the deceased by blunt objects and as a result of severe assault on him. On balance of probability I am satisfied that the officers had assaulted him [Kalounivale] after taking his release from CPS and the injuries suffered had caused his death a few hours after his assaults. He was pronounced dead around 1am that same night. The military denied having any knowledge of the injury but in closing submissions as I understand raised certain issues.”

Khan considered the issues and ruled upon them.

1. The deceased [Kalounivale] was part of CRW soldier who had taken part in the mutiny that day?
Khan: There was no direct evidence of the deceased being a mutineer except that he was a CRW soldier. Also the shooting was at camp between 3 to 6pm when he was not there.

2. It’s not part of soldier’s duty to assault fellow soldiers. So the act of assault was beyond the call of duty and therefore not within the course of employment. The soldiers may have acted beyond their scope of employment. But they have given no evidence of assault. If they had assaulted him [Kalounivale] as a mutineer or a betrayer to their command, there was no complaint and court cannot assume it to be so in absence of evidence by the military. In fact there is convincing evidence by the applicant [Kalounivale’s widow] that he was released from CPS and taken in an army van and being assaulted by army officers.
Khan: I am satisfied the injury suffered was incidental to his work although not in the currency of his engagement as a soldier but it was certainly incidental to his being taken to CPS and later released and assaulted by military whilst being in their custody till pronounced dead later that night. The assaulting soldiers may have exceeded in the scope of their duty by assaulting the deceased [Kalounivale] but they acted as soldiers of FMF and were responsible for their actions in the general scope of their duties.

3. Police force conducted the arrest so not course of Army employment?
Khan: There is evidence before the court and I am satisfied that there was no complaints laid against the deceased [Kalounivale] to the police. He was taken to CPS on Commander’s instruction by fellow soldier[s]. He was later released to the army and taken away by them. The military had custody of the accused [Kalounivale] during his assault and death. There has been no explanation tendered by the military before this court on the release of the deceased from station after 4pm on 2nd November till midnight that day when he died. The deceased was not in custody of the police force. He was at his work with fellow military officers who had taken his release from CPS. The deceased [Kalounivale] was a workman who suffered injury during his work hours and such injury caused his death. The whole incident was due and incidental to his work as a member of the FMF.”

The Solicitor-General’s Office, representing the RFMF and the dictator, had contested the compensation claim, relying on Immunity Proclamation 2001 (Presidential Proclamation, Proclamation No 2 of 2001, Immunity of Disciplined Forces), and that the claim was statute barred under the provisions of the Republic of Fiji Military Forces Act, Cap 81, particularly section 52(1), which stipulates an action to be commenced within three months after the act complained of, and finally the claim was defective under the provisions of section 52(2) of the RFMF Act, Cap 81, as it did not expressly allege whether such act was done either maliciously or without reasonable and probable cause or through gross negligence.

The Court rejected all of their defences, and ruled on the widow’s statement of claim that her husband Kalounivale was murdered by the RFMF or alternatively died as a result of the unlawful beating he received from members of the RFMF.

It is worth noting that Ajmal Gulab Khan’s judgment is no longer available on the illegal Fiji government’s official judicial website www.judiciary.gov.fj or PACLII.

It is quite clear that Kalounivale had not gone to the naval base for a “picnic” nor had gone to “kill” the dictator. It was the dictator who had requested that the innocent Kalounivale be brought to him and later sent him to the Central Police Station from where he was taken to the army camp by his security guards and beaten to death.

But it is worth reminding the dictator that karmic debt is repaid in kind. Or as Exodus warns us: “Whoever strikes a man so that he dies shall be put to death.”

In the dictator’s case, the law is very clear - it holds that a commanding officer, being aware of a human rights violation, will be held criminally liable when he does not take action.

And we have his infamous interview with the Australian journalist Graham Davis in 2009:

Davis: Did you want them dead?
Dictator: I didn’t want them dead but I wanted them punished – You must understand it was a mutiny. These guys came in to kill us – I don’t think a lot of people understand that? These guys came in to kill us. So people really don’t expect us to kiss them on their cheeks.

Again, Kalounivale had never gone to kill the dictator nor had gone to be “kissed on the cheek” by him. Kalounivale had taken no part in the bloody mutiny on that day.

One of these days I will be revealing how Kalounivale was battered to death, and how Brigadier-General Mohammed Aziz, then army legal officer, had stopped police interview when one of the soldiers confessed to KILLING Kalounivale and the other CRW soldiers on the dictator’s orders. I will be naming that murderous soldier whom the dictator has protected since 2000. I will be also disclosing the horrifying contents of the missing post-mortem report, and other details, to disprove the dictator’s claim that he carried out the coup to weed out corruption and to give the descendants of Indian coolies’ equality in post-coup Fiji.

The dictator carried out the coup to escape prosecution, for among the charges he was facing shortly before the 2006 coup was the murders of Kalounivale and the other CWR soldiers.

Sunday, March 18, 2012

Qarase stands by response to regime journalist

The deposed prime minister and SDL leader Laisenia Qarase says he stands by his response to regime journalist Graham Davis’ comments published in the Fiji Sun on March 16 and repeated again today.

Qarase says the false information Davis continues to spread about him and SDL cannot go unchallenged. 
"Davis is correct in saying that membership of the SDL Party has always consisted overwhelmingly of indigenous Fijians. It is equally true that the membership of other political parties - the Fiji Labour Party, the National Federation Party and the General Voters Party - had been dominated by other ethnic communities.

"Davis must understand that both the 1970 and 1997 Constitutions provided for ethnic voting. This is the key reason why voters flock to political parties dominated by particular ethnic communities. The SDL Party was not even conceived when these two Constitutions became the supreme law of Fiji. I, L. Qarase had nothing to do with both documents."

Qarase says he agrees that only two of the 28 Ministers in the 2000- 2001 interim Cabinet were non-indigenous. But he says he had offered positions to several more. 

"These offers were not accepted because of the serious political instability at the time. In the 2001- 2006 SDL Government I had offered a multi- party Cabinet but this was not acceptable to the Fiji Labour Party. In the 2006 multi-party Government 11 of the 24 Ministers (12 were non-Cabinet Ministers) were non- indigenous. The composition of Cabinet complied with the provision of the Constitution."

"Davis said that “Mr. Qarase always insisted that the rights of indigenous Fijians should be paramount in Fiji”. Can Davis tell the world when and where did I make such comment? Can he provide evidence? I know that he cannot because I never made such comment.

"Davis is confused with the SDL’s policies on affirmative action for all communities in Fiji and the protection of certain indigenous rights allowed under the UN Convention on Indigenous Rights. I draw Davis’ attention to “Chapter 2- Compact” of the 1997 Constitution, in particular Section 6 (j) and (k). Chapter 2 of the 1997 Constitution provides the legal authority for SDL’s policies on these issues."

Qarase reiterated that Davis should read SDL’s 2006 Manifesto saying there was nothing racist about the Party’s policies.

"Davis continues to ignore the provisions of the Qoliqoli Bill. It has always been the law in Fiji that those who wish to use coastal resources for commercial purposes (fishing) must pay for a fishing license. This fee goes to the Government and not to the indigenous Fijians. The Bill however was to provide access for all Fiji citizens to public and private beaches free of charge. Davis is clearly putting into the Bill provisions that were not there."

He says Davis’ statement that non-indigenous communities “are already prevented from acquiring more than 80 per cent of Fiji’s land surface” is quite misleading. All communities in Fiji can acquire native land by way of leases for periods of up to 99 years. Foreigners have similar access. Davis may wish to enquire from the appropriate authority the extent of native land occupied and used by non- indigenous. He should be happy to find out that the majority of the 80 per cent native land has been “acquired” by non- indigenous.

"The Oxford Dictionary of “racism” is fine. The behavior and attitudes of Mr. Qarase and the SDL clearly do not fall within the definition.

"It appears that Davis has agreed with my translation of the SDL name. He should and I hope he will not raise the issue again. What is wrong with a non- racist indigenous name to a political Party? And what about English names to political Parties? Is Davis implying that the English language is superior to any other language on this planet? Davis might like to suggest that to the Chinese or French!

"Davis, I hope that this response will end your futile attempts to discredit and crucify the SDL Party and its leaders. It won’t work!"

Coupfourpointfive notes that Davis' original article in the Fiji Sun this week did not carry his byline - (why was that we ask?), although it was clear it could only have come from him.

Bainimarama and Khaiyum warned arrogance against Fiji people could unleash reprisal

The Fiji Democracy and Freedom of Australia has called for the reinstatement of the Great Cuncil of Chiefs and warned the regime's continuing efforts to decimate Fijian institutions could lead to a backlash from the Fijian people.

In a statement signed by the president Suliasi Daunitutu, FDFM denounces the decision by the illegal prime minister Voreqe Bainimarama to formally disestablish the GCC and to appoint Professor Yash Pal Ghai, Professor Satendra Nandan and Taufa Vakatale to Fiji’s Constitutional Commission.

FDFM says the decision by Bainimarama and Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum to abolish the GCC without consulting stakeholders reveals what they say is Bainimarama and Khaiyum's arrogance and abhorrence towards Fijian paramount chiefs and the Fijian people.

It says the justification used by Bainimarama - that since the Great Council of Chiefs was created by British colonialism and has become “politicised to the detriment of Fiji’s pursuit of a common and equal citizenry” - is without substance.

"If Commodore Bainimarama genuinely believed this, then why didn’t he de-establish the Fiji Military Forces including the Fiji Naval Forces and Fiji Police Force at the same time because they are all creatures of British colonialism too - but more “politicised than the Great Council of Chief to the detriment of Fiji’s pursuit of a common and equal citizenry?"

FDFM says the decision raises serious doubts about the authencity of the constitutional talks.

"The Military Regime’s choosing Professor Yash Pal Ghai, Professor Satendra Nand and Taufa Vakatale to head Fiji’s Constitutional Commission, in our view is utterly compromised and doesn’t resemble any form of respectability; legitimacy or inspires any degree of confidence at the outset with the majority of the people of Fiji or the world and we concur with former Prime Ministers Laisenia Qarase (SDL) & Mahendra Chaudary’s (FLP) statements objecting to their selection because it should have originated from Fiji’s Stakeholders at its meeting instead of being unilaterally imposed by the Military Regime."

FDFM says if the regime wants to be taken seriously it should:
(a) reinstate the Great Council of Chiefs and let its future and role be decided by its stakeholders during the constitutional talks;
(b) stop any further dismantling of Fijian Institutions;
(c) allow the Stakeholders, consisting of Political Parties; Church Leaders; Religious & Civic Leaders; GCC; NGO’s & Youth Leaders to determine the composition of the Constitutional Commission;
(d) allow freedom of association, press, movement and speech;
(e) allow foreign organisations to monitor the discussions leading up to the selection of the Constitutional Commission; constitutional discussion; formulation and promulgation of the Constitution and subsequent General Elections in 2014.

"Anything short of the above makes a mockery of Fiji’s Military Regime’s claim of a fair and transparent constitution discussion and only reinforces the view held by FDFN, that this is all a fa├žade.

"It’s a facade to keep the general populace preoccupied, focused and hopeful on the constitutional talks, whose outcome has already been pre-determined, whilst it continues with its policy of decimating Fijian Institutions."

FDFM says destroying Fijian institutions was the basis of Sayed-Khaiyum’s University of Hong Kong ‘Cultural Autonomy’ thesis, which was supervised by Yash Ghai.

"FDFM’s concern is that Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum’s contorted and short-sighted personal agenda of wanting to dismantle Fijian Institutions because of his Machiavellian pretence; it will free Fijians to a better qualitative life, apparently has fooled Commodore Bainimarama and some others.

"It condescendingly and dangerously fails to grasp the possibility, it could instead unleash and spiral Fijians out of control fuelled by an avalanche of fear and anger directed against Commodore Bainimarama; Aiyaz Sayed-Khaiyum and their supporters, triggering an implosion within Fiji’s already fragmented Fiji Military Forces & civil population; causing a massive wave of retribution & civil unrest affecting all peoples and the economy, but unfortunately Fijians and Indo-Fijians will bear the brunt, of the likes we’ve never witnessed in modern Fiji before."

Casino company looking to China for the cash

Larry Claunch and Frank Bainimarama
Fresh information coming into Coupfourpointfive says One Hundred Sands doesn't have all of the money yet for the $290 million luxury casino resort and convention center it says it's going to build on Denarau Island on March the 31st.

A Ministry of Trade and Commerce source says Larry Claunch and co are seeking support in China for its Denarau casino, plus the smaller one in Suva that it's also supposed to be building.

But local media are talking up the One Hundred Sands plans saying the construction of Fiji’s first ever casino gets underway this month with the ground breaking ceremony at Denarau.

The company's director for customer experiences, Greg Schillinger, has told Fiji Village the recruitment and training of more than 100 locals will follow in the second quarter of this year.

Schillinger says casino will be finished in 2013.

So just how much does One Hundred Sands need for its casino and will Aiyaz Sayed Khaiyum and the clan get a cut of any of the funds it secures in China?